rurian@gmail.com
kelerar@unifiji.ac.fj
Traditional ecological knowledge refers to the cumulative body of knowledge, practices, and beliefs developed by Indigenous peoples through generations of interaction with their environment. In the Pacific Islands, traditional knowledge has been used to sustain lifestyles by integrating with the natural ecosystems. Kiribati has a history of customary environmental management practices like all other Pacific Islands and traditional knowledge has been critical to living off the ocean. Twenty (n=20) elderly fishermen/women from Marakei Island and Tarawa in Kiribati (aged ≥50) were interviewed to understand their methods and perspectives on Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK). Based on these insights and experiences, traditional knowledge is one of the basic aspects of Indigenous society in Kiribati. Traditional knowledge has been tested against nature over generations and passed down to the next generation. This paper captures common indigenous fishing methods used by the people of Kiribati, many of which are not currently or rarely used or have been modernized over time. While this knowledge is important, it was documented that traditional fishing knowledge is currently eroding because of lack of interest by youths, modernization, climate change, and lack of knowledge documentation.
Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) has been developed over ages via observation and learning, even though it does not necessarily follow scientific procedures. The most widely used definition of TEK is by Berkes. According to Berkes
Further, TEK has existed and practiced for thousands of years, it has only been recognized by western science over the last five decades as a valued source of information
Researchers have recognized the importance of TEK in policy, conservation of biodiversity, management of resources, understanding environmental change, and marine spatial planning. TEK offers detailed, place-based observations that are often accumulated over generations, providing insights that may be absent in short-term scientific studies. For instance, in marine spatial planning, TEK can inform the identification of spawning grounds, migratory routes, and sacred sites that should be protected
In the Pacific Islands, TEK has been used to maintain lifestyles and livelihoods by understanding or integrating with surrounding ecosystems. For Indigenous knowledge holders, their place-based knowledge can influence and inform daily decisions such as resource use and management, classification of systems (including biota and biophysical conditions), social interactions, cultural practices, and spirituality
A form of TEK is traditional knowledge on fishing. Traditional fishing knowledge has played an essential role in sustaining the livelihoods of Pacific Islanders. Living on isolated ecosystems, they have developed and modified fishing practices over time, adapting to their environment and passing this valuable knowledge to younger generations
Similar to other Pacific Islands, Kiribati’s survival relies on its resources especially the ocean
This study draws upon a theoretical framework that acknowledges the ontological distinction between Western scientific knowledge and (TEK). Western science often conceptualizes humans as observers separate from nature, favoring empirical data, controlled experimentation, and reproducibility
This research explores the role and relevance of TEK in the Pacific, with focus on Kiribati, where marine-based knowledge has long supported livelihoods and environmental stewardship. It focuses on that TEK remains an essential, yet under recognized resource for sustainable marine resource management, and its decline is linked to a combination of various factors. By engaging with local elders, the study documents traditional fishing and harvesting techniques, highlights the depth of Indigenous ecological knowledge, and identifies the key drivers contributing to its erosion. This framing allows for a deeper understanding of both the value of TEK and the urgent need for its preservation and integration into modern resource management strategies.
The Republic of Kiribati is a Pacific Island Country in Micronesia, composed of 33 islands of which 32 are atoll islands and one limestone island with a combined area of 811 km2 of the Pacific Ocean
The study focuses on two locations in Kiribati: Tarawa and Marakai Island. These sites were selected in consultation with the Island Council, Government of Kiribati, and local partners. Tarawa is the capital of Kiribati with a total area of 31.02 km2 together with a population of approximately 63,079
The Gilbert Group includes Marakei Island, a small atoll island of 14.1 km2 located to the north of the group
Firstly, a research permit was obtained from the Ministry of Environment Lands and Agricultural Development (Kiribati) (Ref no. 019/23). An initial discussion was held with the Ministry to outline the purpose, objectives, and intended outcomes of the research together with support required from the researchers. The researchers were referred to the respective island council of Tarawa and Marakai for support and guidance. There 23 island councils present on Kiribati and are part of the local governance system.
Data was collected using two methods: 1) semi structured interview with elder fisherman/women and 2) talanoa (informal storytelling) with selected elders together with members of villages from the two study locations. For the in depth interviews, the judgment sampling method was utilized by the community and local island council members. The communities and island council members selected and provided names of elders (men and women) who were highly experienced in marine ecological knowledge and fishing. A total of 20 (16 males and 4 females) were nominated and all were above 50 years of age from both Marakei and South Tarawa. These participants were either active in fishing activities, gleaning, or retired. The in-depth interviews were carried out in the participants’ household or the village meeting area (
Two talanoa sessions were held with 10 participants in each session. One session was conducted on Marakei and another in South Tarawa. A combination of judgment and simple random sampling was used to select talanoa session participants. Participants were also selected in conjunction with island council members and local government representatives. In this study, talanoa was used not just as a way to collect information, but it was an essential part of the research approach. Unlike interviews, talanoa is a form of oral communication or story-telling and shared experience in Pacific Island Nations via formal and informal discussions making it a commonly used research methodology
Both the interviews and talanoa sessions were conducted by the researcher in the native language (I-Kiribati) to ensure that maximum information was captured with assistance from a local translator. Research information sessions were held before the data collection process to inform participants about the objectives of this study and its importance. Written informed consent was also obtained and participants were free to disengage at any point. The information session and data collection were conducted in July 2023.
A mixed approach using both content and narrative analysis was applied to examine the data. Content analysis allowed the team to identify recurring keywords and themes to make valid inferences from texts
Indigenous peoples have the right to control, maintain, and protect traditional information that is discussed or published
The people of Kiribati utilize the ocean for a variety of purposes. The ocean provides most of the food and supports the livelihood and wellbeing of natives
Fishing is one of the major activities conducted by the Indigenous people of Kiribati. Households in Kiribati partake in fishing either on a full time or part-time basis
Net fishing is commonly carried out in all of Kiribati. According to the elders, it is a popular activity amongst women, youths, and men. This type of fishing mostly occurs near the coastal and reef area during high tide. Fishers find schools of fish by spotting shiny movements (shimmering) on the water from the fishes’ scales or by watching for seabirds, which usually gather where there are many of fish. It usually takes about five individuals to carry out this method. Two or three of these individuals are responsible for carrying the net from the village to the coastal area and then into the ocean. The net is spread and dragged in the water behind the fisher. Whereas two individuals disturb the surrounding water using their hands and chase the school of fish into the open net. Once the fish are in the net, it is closed. The fish are then killed by biting behind their head and thrown into baskets. If all the individuals are from the same household then the entire catch will not be divided. Conversely, if not related, then the owners of the equipment (net and canoe) would receive an extra share compared to others. It is the responsibility of the fishermen to share their catch with elders of their household based on tradition. This form of distribution is mostly carried out on Marakei Island and rarely on Tarawa according to the elders. In Tarawa, net fishing is usually practiced within the same household so there is no distribution.
Another form of net fishing is where large sized nets are used and carried out to the lagoon by multiple household members. The net is attached to the canoes and left overnight, the fishermen would usually sleep in their canoes. At daybreak the net would be pulled in or dragged to shallow waters where women would be present with baskets to collect the catch. The catch is then distributed amongst the fishermen.
Previously nets were made of coconut leaves woven together and the size of the mesh depended on species to be caught. Therefore, multiple nets were constructed for different species. The floats were made of
This fishing method is mostly practiced in lagoons and sometimes reef edges, mostly by older fishermen who can no longer carry out extensive activities. Hook and line fishing is a daily activity by the locals in some locations such as Marakei Island. A variety of marine fish can be caught using this method.
The materials used in this fishing style is usually limited to a coconut string with a hook or sometimes a pebble. The hooks were initially made from bones of whales and sharks but have been substituted with metal and plastic. Instead of a coconut string, nylon is more commonly used now. Hermit crabs, shellfish, and feathers are commonly used as bait. Fishers in the pacific Islands have learned to use a variety of baits such as sprats, goatfishes, mackerels, gastropod species, and even coconut meat and seaweeds
Some elders mentioned that line and hook fishing are also used in the open ocean, mostly to catch tuna and, previously, sharks. Elders mentioned that fishermen would use a special “call” to attract sharks towards the canoe. This call, according to the elders, is produced by “knocking several shells together tied to a rope and immersed into the ocean but close to the canoe.” These shells form a rattle called
A special type of line fishing is usually practiced for
This type of fishing is carried out by men in shallow water or from canoes at reef edges during high tides. There are two types of spears used according to the knowledge of the elders. The first one is a long wooden shaft usually made from
There are some traditional fishing practices that are destructive and not only harm the target species but other surrounding organisms. For example, plant based poisons like rotenone sourced from a derris root used to stun fish also have a harmful impact on other species in the area
This is a method that only involves men and is mostly done in the deep sea or near coral reefs. The eel trap is constructed with precision by experienced fishermen and usually each household has one. However, currently, two or three households often collaborate to construct one or two traps, which they then share or use in turns. The first step in building the trap is to understand or determine the
The trap resembles a small house and on the roof or near the round “mouth” where the eel enters, there are one or two trap doors, depending on the trap’s size. Another door might be placed further back on the roof for fixing the tightly-woven tunnel, called the “throat,” which guides the eel into the open space inside. Strings of bait hang from the ceiling to attract the eel, and a shell at the end of the tunnel stops it from escaping back through the “mouth.” At the back of the trap, there is always a door to remove the eels. Fishermen use a large, tightly-woven bag attached under the exit with thin sticks to collect the catch. Unhusked coconuts and even bottles are used to mark the trap location.
Baiting the trap is an important process and determines the skill of the fisherman
This fishing technique is conducted mostly by men with the help of women and sometimes other household members. Elders mentioned that the best time to torch fish is during the full moon. Some elders also mentioned it being carried out three nights before and after a full moon because fish are abundant during this period. Torches are made from coconut leaves that are sun dried to make them flexible. The leaves are then bound together to give it a torch shape. However, these have been replaced by pressure, kerosene, battery powered, and solar lamps/torches.
Torch fishing is carried during the night, where the fisher lights a torch and moves into the ocean until he is knee deep. The fisherman has to stand extremely still with the flaming torch upright. Once movement in the water is seen, the fisherman has to slowly pace away towards shallow waters and the fish will follow the light. Once the fisherman reaches the shallow end, he will hit the water with his torch causing the fish to be dazzled. This opens up a narrow period for women and children to catch the fish using dip nets or baskets. Canoes are also used where an individual carrying the torch stands at the bow, this can either be a man, woman, or child. The fish are attracted to the light and come close to the canoe. These fish are scoped using dip nets by other people in the canoe. A special ritual is observed a day before and on the day of fishing, where noise is limited in the entire village. Even daytime fishing is limited and carried out by specific fishermen only. This is mainly to avoid disturbing the fish and to ensure maximum harvest at night. There are various other rituals and practices done a day before torch fishing but this information is specifically meant for the fisherman and his family, not shared with outsiders.
Gleaning is a process of collecting marine organisms mainly from the coastal, mangroves, and coral reef habitats, primarily the littoral zone
According to the fisherwomen, the gleaning process involves women scratching sand of uncovered flats usually near the lagoon or ocean (near reefs) at low tides. This is mainly to look for shellfish such as
Women fishers also use sharp sticks to look for fish hiding in sand, crustaceans, marine worms etc. This type of gleaning method is called
According to all the elders interviewed, gleaning is an extremely valuable activity especially after a storm when fishing in lagoons and open seas are disturbed. This is mainly due to the fact that the coastal areas and/or intertidal zones are more accessible after a storm compared to open seas. The fisherwomen of Tarawa also shared that after storms, heavy rainfall, and strong wind, organisms such as shellfish, seaweed, and occasionally sea cucumbers are often washed ashore, making them easily accessible for gleaners to collect.
Fish traps are commonly made by using either coral or stone or both stacked together in position with the ocean currents. The coral or stone are held together by algae, plant based, and other binding factors. They is usually constructed by men and each household usually has their own
A permanent fish trap is typically designed in either a U-shape or a ‘tennis racket’ shape. Before construction the household head determines the opening of the trap by placing a coconut shell in the ocean and observing its movement. Wherever the coconut shell comes to rest is marked, designating it as an entry point for fish during high tide. As the tide recedes, the fish are trapped in this area. Based on local traditions, only scoop nets are to catch fish during the first three days after construction. Mainly because there is a possibility that fishers might get hurt and their blood will attract predatory fish such as sharks. The construction of these fish traps has become increasingly uncommon, with most of the existing ones created by previous generation elders. Among them, the “tennis racket”-shaped trap is considered a complex system to construct but stands out as the most productive.
Temporary fish traps are no longer common mainly because the knowledge to construct them is only now known by limited individuals. Out of all the elders interviewed, only ten knew the process as taught by their grandfathers but no longer practiced it. To create temporary traps a line of wooden stakes is planted into the sand/sediment in a semi-circle with an opening towards the land at a certain distance from the shoreline. This distance is determined by the fishermen or household head based on experience and high/low tide mark. Dried coconut leaves (
Traditional knowledge in the Pacific Islands is currently eroding at a fast pace and it is due multiple reasons including the lack of documentation, modern education, imposition of western ideas, climate change, and many more
According to community elders, the primary factor contributing to the loss of traditional knowledge is the declining interest among youth. Kugara and Mokgoatšana
Migration of youths both internally and externally is another contributing factor. An elder stressed that youth are now leaving Marakei in search of employment and a better life. They are either moving to Tarawa or working on commercial fishing boats and return to the island only for a couple of months. Thus, due to the long duration away from their villagers/communities, they find it redundant to learn about traditional fishing practices that they might never use. This is supported by a recent UNDP report highlighting the correlation between the lack of job opportunities coupled with unfavorable climate conditions causing youths of the Pacific to migrate from rural or outer islands to urban centers or different countries, leading to cultural disruption and identity loss as there are now limited youth available to learn this knowledge
Traditional knowledge is usually passed orally from elders to the younger generation. Participants recognized and stated that the oral transfer of knowledge is only done either with a family, village, or worthy person. This is mainly to protect knowledge by elders who fear that this information would be lost or shared with competitors from other islands/villages or unworthy people that might misuse it
Since traditional knowledge is primarily transmitted orally or through hands-on field instruction, it often remains undocumented. This lack of documentation is acknowledged as a key factor contributing to the loss of knowledge
Climate change is regarded as another major cause resulting in the decline of traditional fishing knowledge in Kiribati. Indigenous groups in the Pacific Islands use various environmental cures such as weather patterns, wave action, indicator species, lunar phases, or collectively called seasonal calendars to determine the breeding and catching season of marine organisms. For example, flowering of plant called
TEK in Kiribati is not only a vital cultural and environmental asset but also an important contributor to community resilience, food security, and biodiversity conservation. Elders’ insights reflect a deep, place-based understanding of marine ecosystems and traditional fishing methods that have supported livelihoods sustainably for generations. However, this knowledge is increasingly threatened by modernization, youth disengagement, migration, and the impacts of climate change, with marginalized and resource limited communities most affected. Recognizing and integrating TEK into fisheries policy, education systems, and local monitoring frameworks can support culturally grounded and equitable adaptation strategies. Strengthening intergenerational transmission through school programs, community-based learning, and mentorship between elders and youth is essential. Collaboration between knowledge holders (elders), researchers, and policymakers can promote solutions that blend traditional and scientific approaches. It is also recommended that community led documentation initiatives be supported to preserve fishing knowledge, and that inclusive governance structures be established to ensure TEK holders have a voice in resource management. By taking these steps, Kiribati and other Pacific Islands can protect its traditional marine heritage while enhancing the resilience and wellbeing of its communities.
This study has various limitations that should be acknowledged. Firstly, it does not include a comparison between Marakei and Tarawa due to significant contextual differences between the two islands. Tarawa, as the capital, is highly urbanized, densely populated, and exposed to greater external influences and development interventions, while Marakei remains more rural and traditional, with closer adherence to customary practices. These differences would make direct comparison unbalanced and potentially misleading, as variations in traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) could be shaped more by external access and infrastructure than by intrinsic cultural or environmental differences. In addition, the study is limited geographically and sample size, focusing on two locations only and elders, which may not fully represent the diversity of TEK across Kiribati or the Pacific Islands. The gradual loss of traditional knowledge due to modernization, migration, and generational shifts also restricts the breadth of information available. Language barriers and the sensitive nature of some knowledge may further affect data depth, and as a result, findings should be viewed as a snapshot rather than a comprehensive account of TEK in Kiribati.
We would like to sincerely thank the Ministry of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development (Kiribati) for their support and guidance throughout this research. Special thanks to the Island Councils of Tarawa and Marakei for their assistance in community engagement and coordination. We are especially grateful to the elders who generously shared their time, stories, and traditional knowledge. Their insights were invaluable and form the heart of this study. This research would not have been possible without their participation.